Linguistic Identity and the Stylistics of Nativisation in Adichie ’ s Purple Hibiscus

Existing linguistic studies on prose discourse have largely focused on what Nigerian English forms (NEFs) are utilised to better express Nigerian writers’ themes, but have not accommodated how the NEFs have creatively been deployed to show the writers’ identity in the discourse. In filling this gap, therefore, the paper takes a text-linguistic approach, relying on insights from David Jowitt’s view on Popular Nigerian English (PNE), Michael Halliday’s systemic functional grammar, and aspects of stylistics discourse, in examining some of the structural features of NEFs in Chimamanda Adichie’s Purple Hibiscus (PH), with a view to establishing how the Igbo variety of the PNE has motivated the use of NEFs in the novel. Five preponderant structural patterns were identified through which nativisation occurs in the text: colloquial utterances, transliteration, Igbo-influenced structure of clause, code mixing, and code switching. These structural instances of NEFs in PH have been observed to be tilted towards the Igbo variety of the PNE as motivated by the native language of the author. Thus, the NEFs are constrained by the linguistic pattern and socio-cultural world-view of the Igbo, which give the speakers of English in the region a linguistic identity that includes them in the PNE at large.


INTRODUCTION
Of late and more than ever before, literary genres have become popular data for studies on Nigerian English expressions (Dadzie, 2004;Adetuyi, 2017).This development is traceable to two (among other) notable factors.First, the Nigerian writer has been observed to utilise the literary medium (to which many (non-)Nigerian readers have easy access) as an effective means to 'sell' not only the Nigerian socio-cultural and political experience, but also the Nigerian identity of the English language (Ononye & Osunbade, 2015, p. 102).Second, the almost undivided idea that has spread across the issue of Nigerian English (and such related varieties as Nigerian Pidgin) in recent times is that a Nigerian version of the English language exists and can be developed as a vibrant and potent medium for 'counter-factualising' the western language globalisation (Akere, 1981, p. 14).This consciousness seems to have largely influenced the bulk of Nigerian authors' acceptance of the Nigerian English idiom as a linguistic identity, and this has thus constrained most of the linguistic features used in their works.
As far back as the 1980s, the general voice of African critics as encapsulated in such publications as Chinweizu's (1983) Towards the Decolonization of African Literature has endorsed the fact that African literature is a completely independent entity whose themes and contexts of writing can hardly be compared with non-African literatures (1983, p. iv).The themes and contexts of writing have also reflected internally as distinguishing factors that influence the many structural patterns and styles of the linguistic output of African authors.In this regard, one thing that can easily be noticed in the critiques and linguistic studies of African literature is a general exploration of linguistic features and/or treatment of how language is strategically used to better express thematic preoccupations of writers.For example, while Soyinka is often measured with respect to the ways in which language and dialects are deployed in his prose, Achebe is considered with regard to his representation of cultural or indigenous Igbo ideological paradigms and linguistic patterns into English (Booth, 1981, p. 6).The present paper takes these efforts a step further in investigating: first, how an author's use of language is betrayed by their regional linguistic identity, and second, how this linguistic phenomenon (most times) suits the themes and settings chosen by authors for plot development.
In order to answer these questions, the present paper explores the linguistic stylistic patterns employed in the nativisation of English in Chimamanda Adichie's Purple Hibiscus and examines how these can relate to the author's linguistic identity.In this section, related motivational issues have been established, with the main objectives of the paper presented.In the sections that follow, we review the Nigerian English discourse and previous linguistic studies on Adichie's works, establish the theoretical bases of the study, discuss the analytical findings, and finally conclude the paper.

NIGERIAN ENGLISH DISCOURSE
On the issue of linguistic identity, Booth proposes that Nigerian literature underscores "the very nature of English as used in Nigeria ... a distinct kind of English that has developed which lacks nuances of class and social register" (1981, p. 79).Apparently, Booth refers to the standard, acrolectal Nigerian Standard English, which he characterises as a "clean" or "correct" dialect of Nigeria English, which -as Carroll (qtd in Booth, 1981) has suggestedis a self-possessed style the Nigerian author has utilised as a "perfect antidote to the melodramatic 'dark continent' view of Africa."Igboanusi ( 2001) also investigates the manner in which what he calls "Igbo English" affects the Nigerian writer's "environment," "source of creativity," "speech habits," and "linguistic processes of transfer and translation" (p.22).For Igboanusi, literature written in Igbo English observably mirrors its cultural distinctiveness and setting.This position is close to what Adegbija's (1998, p. 27) "speech act approach" to Nigerian literature reveals, namely, that African literature should be evaluated according to the supposedly local themes.From Booth's and Igboanusi's prognostic submissions, it therefore becomes a big question how Nigerian writers (un)consciously 'cushion' the English language to fit into their linguistic identity-NE, in order to effectively relay their African experiences.
To justify NE as a legitimate variety, other studies have been carried out through the levels of language and the findings have identified features relating to three major issues as marking the Nigerian variety of English, viz.'interference', 'deviation' and 'creativity'.Particularly, Odumuh (1984) focused on the problems of 'national acceptability' and 'international intelligibility.'In a related work in 1989, Odumuh looked at the creativity of Nigerian English use by examining pidgin texts of Onitsha market pamphlets and popular TV soap operas.Odumuh and Gomwalk (1986), in furthering the issue of methodology, suggested two possible ways of looking at varieties of Nigerian English: based on 'mode' (distinguishing between written and spoken), and based on 'level of educational attainment.'These distinctions all apply to Adichie (as an established author with a higher level of education) and her novel (as based on written mode).
The English language written and spoken in Nigeria has attracted considerable attention from both Nigerian and non-Nigerian scholars.Since English has been used as second and official (and sometimes even as foreign) language in Nigeria for a long time, and by the inescapable behaviour of languages in contact, it is normal as claimed to expect the English in Nigeria to have features with which it can be identified as a bona-fide subset, dialect, variety or idiom of world 'Englishes' (Awonusi, 2004, p. 17).One argument that runs across NE literature is that there is a variety of English used by Nigerians, the technical name of which is known as 'Nigerianisms'.In Aremu's view, "Nigerianisms in Nigerian English are characterised by lexical borrowing, acronyms, first language interference, proverbs, slang, honorifics (polite tokens), code-mixing, code-switching, semantic shift, etc." (2015, p. 94).He further says that Nigerianisms are common-place in written Nigerian literature.
Extensive studies- Bamgbose (1971Bamgbose ( , 1995Bamgbose ( , 2014)), Adesanoye (1973), Odumuh (1984), Adegbija (1998), Awonusi (2004), Udofot (2004), Jowitt (1991), inter alia-have authenticated the existence of a variety of World Englishes known as Nigerian English.These scholars, in their respective studies, have described the dynamic use of English in Nigeria as domestication, nativisation, acculturation and hybridisation (Ononye & Ovu, 2013, p. 186).Ojetunde (2013), in substantiating the peculiar use of English in Nigeria, observes that "Its [English] interaction with other indigenous languages in Nigeria has given rise to the variety of English which has the colouring of distinct Nigerian indigenous languages at all levels of linguistic analysis; lexis, syntax, semantic, phonology and discourse" (p.254).Like a typical Nigerian novel, there are numerous uses of Nigerian English expressions in Purple Hibiscus.

STUDIES ON ADICHIE'S PURPLE HIBISCUS
There has been quite an extensive research on Adichie's works, particularly her first novel, PH.However, emphasis is laid on scholarly humanistic efforts, which bifurcate into literary/critical and linguistic studies.Critics in the former category (e.g.Nnolim, 2006, pp. 2-5), believe that the development of the protagonist and her brother (in PH) can summarily be viewed from a quadrilateral dimension; their home in Enugu, school, church and Nsukka; the latter has the most amazing effect on their developmental process.Adichie describes her setting with unpretentious fidelity: Kambili's home is very typical of children from the class of aristocracy, yet they are empty psychologically; Kambili is alienated socially, culturally and psychologically from everyone around her, except her brother; she easily loses perspective.Kambili is not just alienated by the loss of natural self, she is fragmented most importantly through suppressed emotional sensation and what Emery (2012, p. 16) describes as "eclipsed geo-cultural locations."Kambili's home is grand but menacing; she lacks almost nothing, yet her home inhibits her psychological development rather than elevating it.
Other studies (e.g.Toumaala, 2013) have also attempted to appraise Adichie's PH within an EFL context: exploring the characters' experiences in both local and urban settings on the one hand, and the behaviourist way of learning from these experiences through imitation versus intercultural education (p. 2), on the other.In Toumaala's (2013, p. 106) view, Eugene's (Kambili's father) personality and presence in the home continue to truncate any seeming emotional and psychological stability she builds up naturally from the inside; coupled with the stifling temperament of Eugene's individuality and the choking apartment which is devoid of life.The description of the apartment no doubt will extinguish any seeming fire of growth ignited in the protagonist.
Besides, the novel, being a collection of narratives of growth, exhibits an autobiographical propensity.It is in this connection that Okuyade (2009) tries to define a new sub-genre -Bildungsroman -within the tradition of the third generation of Nigerian novel.Okuyade argues that the existential bearings of the novel pieced together with the progressive metamorphosis of the characters from a state of ignorance to cognition aptly illustrate that PH is a Bildungsroman, a novel of growth and education, since one of the major determinants of a successful Bildungsroman is change (2009, p. 6).Kambili, like the true protagonist of a female Bildungsroman, argues Okuyade, exhibits a sense of 'awakening' which includes the recognition and acceptance of her limitations.This awakening leads to the introduction of the second characteristic of the female Bildungsroman -guidance from a network of strong women, which she senses in her aunty's (Ifeoma) fearlessness and self-reliance.In another related study, Okuyade (2010) explores the 'changing borders between silence and creating voices,' focusing on the developmental process of Kambili, physically and psychologically vis-à-vis the Nigerian nation.He contends that "silencing is not only a mechanism or weapon of patriarchal control but of domestic servitude" (2010, p. 248).In the novel, Kambili, Jaja and their mother devise ways of survival within the utilitarian calculus Eugene has created for their minds.One of the strategies is the domineering silence with which they observe situations and the other is a filial bonding.Through bonding, mother and children are able to survive the domestic quagmire and the prescriptions of the religious zealot-nature of their father.
The linguistic category includes studies that have largely utilised pragmatic (e.g.Osunbade, 2009Osunbade, , 2013Osunbade, , 2014)), stylistic/phonological (e.g.Yeibo & Akerele, 2014) and discourse analytical (e.g.Lawal & Lawal, 2013) tools in exploring the different nuances of language use in the text.Osunbade's work on PH is principally anchored on explicatural aspects of the relevance theory.Specifically, Osunbade (2009) explores the processes by which explicatures are used to "facilitate access [in]to the author's thematic foci, character exposition, location of settings, and cohesive unity" (p.138); Osunbade (2013) reveals the (in)definite reference markers and phoric references "which pragmatically serve to aid character presentation/indexing toward achieving cohesive effects in the advancement of the plot of the novel" (p.144), while Osunbade (2014) focuses on how gap-filling is deployed to recover explicit meanings in the conversations in the text.Yeibo and Akerele's (2014), on the other hand, investigate the phonic elements deployed in foregrounding specific stylistic meaning or aesthetic effect in the prose text.It therefore concludes that writers "deliberately deploy lexemes not only because of their senses or signifying potentials but also as result of the suggestive power of their sounds in relation to context of situation and textual function" (p.61).From a critical discourse analytical perspective, Lawal and Lawal (2013) concern themselves with the link between language and ideology in the text.The major argument here is that "different ideologies making up the mental representation of different groups in the novel constrain the language used by the groups" (2013, p. 14).From the linguistic studies reviewed above, it is observable that not enough scholarly attention has been paid to the style of language use as it relates to the linguistic origin of the writer.Previous studies have rather paid undue attention to literary, pragmatic and phonological issues in the novel.Hence, the present study investigates the lexical, syntactic and discourse aspects of Popular Nigerian English-motivated manifestations in the language used in PH, as a way of reconstructing the linguistic identity peculiar to the setting of the novel.

THEORETICAL PERPECTIVES
The paper takes a text-linguistic stylistic approach, which benefits from Halliday's (1994) systemic functional grammar (SFG) and Jowitt's (1991) notion of Popular Nigerian English (PNE).The choice of SFG is anchored on the fact that the paper largely focuses on syntactic patterns of English as especially used in the Nigerian context.Understanding the broad nature of stylistics, linguistic stylistics is conveniently described by Ononye (2014) as "a branch of linguistics which applies the theories and methods of modern linguistics in the study of language use in different domains and modes of text" (p.34).In a similar vein, Sandig and Selting (1997) have identified five classes of manifestations of the linguistic kind of stylistics; namely, traditional stylistics (concerned with the structure of literary language), pragmatic stylistics (which studies certain pragmatic features and their situation of use), sociolinguistic stylistics (which studies styles in registers and the factors determining the use in cultural situations), interactional stylistics (which explores the choices made of those aspects of language use that are under the control of interactants) and text-linguistic stylistics (involves a descriptive and comparative study of "stylistic conventions of text types" (1997, p. 144).In other words, it focuses on the recurrent lexical choices, syntactic structures and cohesive devices within a text (Kim & Yoon, 2014, p. 35).The choice of the text-linguistic stylistic approach in this paper is therefore intended to systematically observe how Adichie's structure of language use is influenced by the Igbo variety of the PNE that she had been earlier exposed to.In order to achieve this, SFG's scale and category model offers the analysis a means of identifying and characterising the various English structural patterns that are constrained by the Igbo variety of the PNE in the data.
In SFG, the four fundamental categories of linguistic theory applicable to the levels of language -especially, grammar and phonology -are unit, structure, class and system, which are relatable to the scales of rank, exponence and delicacy.By a 'unit' is meant "the category setup to account for those stretches of language-activity which carry recurrent meaningful [grammatical] patterns" (Catford, 1965, p. 6).English grammar has units such as sentence, clause, group, word and morpheme, each of which is a carrier of a particular kind of meaning.The 'sentence', for example, has a structure consisting of one or more of the components: α (main [free] clause) and β (subordinate [bound] clause).The 'clause' can as well be main (α) or subordinate (β); it has a structure which is made up of one or more of the components: S(ubject), P(redicator), C(omplement) and A(djunct).The next unit is the 'group'.It plays the role of an S component, a P component, a C component or an A component within the structure of a clause.The 'group' has a structure made up of one or more of the components: m, h, q (modifier, head, qualifier), or one or more of the components: b, p, c (before preposition, preposition, completive), or one or more of the components: a, v, e (auxiliary, verb, extension of verb).The 'word' plays the role of one of the components: m, h, q, b, p, c, a, v, e, identified within the structure of a group.The structure of the word itself consists of one or more of the components: 'base', 'prefix', 'infix', 'ending' and 'addition'.The 'morpheme', as the last unit of English grammar, is "the minimal linguistic element that carries grammatical and/or semantic meaning; it is not further divisible into smaller grammatical components" (Tomori, 1968, p. 188).These units will be further illuminated in the textual analysis of the data.
Asides SFG, Jowitt's (1991) idea of Popular Nigerian English is also relevant here.He opines that the English usage of Nigerians is so inconsistent and diverse to be represented in a neat hierarchy as earlier scholars have done.Using the degree of deviation from Standard British English (SBE), level of education, and to some extent, occupation types, Jowitt rather pictures the English usage in Nigeria to be in a continuum with two polarities: Greatest Deviation (for the uneducated and unskilled) and the Standard (for the educated and skilled), which are largely realised as Hausa English, Yoruba English, Igbo English, Civil service English, artisan English, etc. (p.57).Jowitt identifies one unifying feature that runs across all groups/speakers (whether by education or occupation) of Nigerian English, which is "the presence of at least some non-standard British English [NSBE] forms in their English usage" (p.57).These NSBE forms sometimes appear as 'errors' (especially associated mainly with lower education-level users), but at other times regarded as 'legitimate variants' associated with the educated Nigerian class, to which most Nigerian authors belong.Jowitt sums up all these NSBE forms into what he referred to as "Popular Nigerian English" (PNE) (Jowitt, 1991, p. 24).For Jowitt, the PNE "constitutes an identity which is found in every sub-variety and in the 'indexical features' of Nigerian English" (Ononye & Ovu, 2013, p. 114).The term 'popular', however, is not derogatory, rather it implies widespread usage.In this paper, therefore, the distinct Nigerian forms found in Purple Hibiscus are analysed with respect to PNE.

METHOD
The present paper is aimed at exploring the Igbo linguistic patterns employed in the nativisation of English in Chimamanda Adichie's Purple Hibiscus, which becomes the textual data.Adichie's novel has been selected principally because it represents contemporary Nigerian reality.For instance, the novel largely takes an Igbo setting, but draws from the depth of the general Nigerian social, cultural, and religious experiences.In analysing the lexico-syntactic and discourse features of the Nigerian English (NE) expressions in the data, therefore, the paper relies on descriptive and stylistic methods, with insights from Jowitt's (1991) view on Popular Nigerian English (PNE), Michael Halliday's systemic functional grammar (particularly, the Scale and Category), and aspects of stylistics discourse, while privileging a text-linguistics approach.

DISCUSSION
In this section, specific patterns of the PNE or precisely Igbo English, which influence the structure of the English used in the novel, are analysed.Five syntactic patterns, with their associated features, have been identified in the novel, PH; namely, the structure of colloquial utterances, transliterated utterances, the Igbo-influenced structure of the clause, code-mixing and code-switching.These, with their features, will be discussed on the trot.

THE STRUCTURE OF COLLOQUIAL UTTERANCES
Colloquial utterances are styles of use that are only suitable for ordinary or informal conversation (Jalalpour & Tabrizi, 2017, p. 1012).Certain PNE forms used in the novel have colloquial contexts, most of which reflect the style of Igbo life infused into English expressions through translation.And this has largely resulted in Igbo English structures.Certain utterances, therefore, may be regarded as colloquial in the novel in terms of their semantic interpretation, the collocation of their lexical items, and the informality associated with their use.These expressions have been translated by the writer into English with some of their Igbo patterns still being retained.To analyse them effectively, we place the Nigerian English (NE) expressions first, then supply their Igbo Forms (IF), which influenced the versions used in the novel, and the supposed British English (BE) versions (if any).Let us examine the following examples (underlining mine): Examples: (1) NE: "Do you know that I sucked my mother's breast when your father sucked his mother's?"(PH, p. 70).

IF:
Énwere m úmù atọ, ótù kà na-añụ m ára! BE: I have three children and one is still breastfeeding!The NE expression in example (1), "I [S] sucked [P] my mother's breast when your father sucked his mother's [C]," has similar structure with its IF: mú na ńnà gí [S] ñùkọrọ [P] ara ńne ányi ótù mgbè [C], and BE version: "your father and I [S] are [P] mates [C]".However, the expression has more things in common with its IF; hence the influence of the Igbo structure.The PREDICATOR elements of NE and IF are of Material Process ("sucked" and "ñùkọrọ").This is in sharp contrast with the BE version which is of an Existentialist Process ("are").Another basis for the influence of the NE expression by its IF is that their COMPLEMENT elements have an embedded structure, with similar Range (of time), represented with "when" (in NE) and "ótù mgbè" (in the IF).This, again, differs from the BE version, which may not have any Range (of time).
The other instances of colloquial utterances in examples 2 and 3 have the same pattern where the structures of the NE expressions are closer to (and influenced by) their IFs than their BE versions, especially in terms of redundancy.In (2), the NE expression and its IF both have interrogative pattern ("Did the people of your house rise well…" and "…èbilikwara …"), whereas the BE version has a declarative slant ("I hope you…").The expression and its IF are also hinged upon the Igbo redundant world-view of asking a neighbour who has already woken up hours ago and is on the business of the day if he or she and their families rose well.The English may not have time for such frivolities.In (3), the structure of the NE expression, its IF and BE actually largely have the same pattern.However, the much similarity between the NE expression ("One [S] is still sucking [P]

my breast![C]") and its IF (ótù [S] kà na-añụ [P] m ára! [C]
) lies in the redundancy they share in common.For instance, having three kids in this context presupposes that one is a mother; and one still breastfeeding presupposes that it is sucking the mother's breast, and no other person's.Igbo world-view has a way of including redundant presuppositions, as in, "…one is still sucking my breast" or … ótù kà na-añụ m ára! (in the IF).But the English may not be inclined to bring in redundant information, as seen in the BE version, "…one is still breastfeeding!"The colloquial stylistic choices demonstrated by the characters in the novel betray the Igbo linguistic peculiarity of the setting of the interaction.TRANSLITERATION This is the process whereby transferred items with contextual units are absent in English culture.Transliteration rules, according to Catford (1965), specify transliteration equivalent in two ways: first, in not being relatable to the same graphitic substance as the source language letters; or second, in being in one-to-one correspondence with source language letters or other units (1965, p. 66).Transliteration may, therefore, "be regarded as a form of translation which is almost word-for-word" (Igboanusi, 2001, p. 130).
Transliteration is found in the novel mainly when Adichie uses expressions that may be termed 'Nigerianisms' or 'Igboisms.'Igboisms, as a sub-set of Nigerianism, are usages that reflect traditional Igbo life and cultural habits (Igbanusi, 2001, p. 129).These expressions are easily understood in Igbo but are lacking in English contexts.To analyse them effectively, we place the Nigerian English (NE) expressions first, then supply their Igbo Form (IF), which influenced the versions used in the novel, and the supposed British English (BE) versions (if any).Some of the instances of Igboism in the text are demonstrated below: Examples: (1) NE: "Buy from me, oh, I will sell you well," or "look at me, I am the one you are looking for."(PH, p. 54).

IF:
Zùtá m, m ga-èrésị gi ǹke óma.BE: Buy from me, I will give you affordable prices.
(3) NE: "Our people say that after aku flies, it will still fall to the toad," Father Amadi said.(PH, p. 221).
In all the examples of transliteration above, there is one-to-one translation from the IF to the NE expression.For better explanation, these word-for-word translations can be represented thus: ( Clearly, Adichie's knowledge of the structure of the Igbo language influences her translation of certain expressions in certain contexts, or to represent various characters with varying educational attainment.Obviously, the NE forms used in the textual worlds are grammatically correct, but they may not be internationally intelligible to other speakers of English outside the shores of Nigeria.Transliteration, in Jowitt's view, is one mark of NE that may cut across all subsets of the greatest deviation in NE: Igbo, Hausa, Yoruba, civil service, artisan use of English.Even within Nigeria, some of the proverbial structures exemplified in 2 ("…Àmáka washed her hand well to cook") and 3 ("Our people say that after àkù flies…") above, are peculiar to Igbo English.And hence, these have betrayed the linguistic identity of not only the author, but also the textual characters and socio-cultural contexts of language use.

THE IGBO-INFLUENCED STRUCTURE OF THE CLAUSE
The structural features of the clauses found in the novel are also greatly influenced by Igbo language structure, going by SFG's scale and category model described earlier.These will be analysed in terms of four sub-sections: Igbo items used as modifier and head in a nominal group, Igbo items used as complements, Igbo items used as adjuncts, and Igbo items used in possessive construction.

IGBO ITEMS USED AS MODIFIER AND HEAD IN A NOMINAL GROUP
Examples: (1) "I suddenly wished, for him, that he had done the ima mmuo, the initiation into the spirit world."(PH,p. 87).m m h the íma mmúọ (2) "WE LEFT ABBA right after New Year's.The wives of the úmụnna took the leftover food, even the cooked rice and beans that Mama said were spoiled…" (PH, p. 103).m h q The wives of the úmụnna In the two excerpts above, Igbo items make up one of the pre-modifiers (íma) and the head (mmúọ) in example 1; but in example 2, an Igbo item forms the qualifier of the nominal group.

IGBO ITEMS USED AS COMPLEMENTS
Examples: (1) "I will give the ones I catch to Ugochukwu.They fry àkù in their house," Chima said.

IGBO ITEMS USED AS ADJUNCTS
Examples: (1) "Òmélọrà!"… "I am leaving now.I want to see if I can buy Christmas things for my children at Oye Abagana."(PH, p. 60).( 2) "He told us stories about mmúọ, that they were spirits who had climbed out of ant holes, that they could make chair run and baskets hold water, were all devilish folklore.(PH, p. 85).
The encroaching of IFs in the structure of the NE expressions used in the data, as has been demonstrated (in Examples 1-9 above), obviously tilts towards what Jowitt sees as the greatest deviation from the Standard Nigerian English (SNE).This variety is possibly found with Igbo speakers of English who are either of low education without a knowledge of some English equivalents of the IFs brought into the structure (see Ononye & Nwachukwu, 2017, p. 83), or-as in the case of the characters in the novel-educated speakers who probably demonstrate the fact that many of the IFs (e.g."mmúọ", "úmụnna" in Examples 1, 2 and 7; "oráh", ǹsála" in Examples 4 and 5) may not have English equivalents.Generally, however, the presence of these forms accentuates the fact that the cultural bases of the topics (e.g.funeral and food being discussed) and the linguistic roots of the interactants in the exemplified texts are associated with the Nigerian Igbo English variety of Adichie's.

CODE-MIXING AND CODE-SWITCHING
Code-mixing and/or code-switching is one of the major characteristics and sources of Nigerian English usage which preponderate in the novel under study.While code-mixing involves using particles of another language within the sentence domain of a language, codeswitching has to do with the introduction of structures that are up to a sentence from another language (Aranoff & Rees-Miller, 2003, p. 59).These will be taken in turn.

CODE-MIXING
Below are some of the instances of code-mixing found in the novel: Examples: (  4) "That is our àgwọnatumbe," Papa-Nnukwu said, proudly, after the mmúọ had walked past."It is the most powerful mmúọ in our parts, and all the neighbouring villages fear Abba because of it…" (PH, p. 86).
From these excerpts, two patterns of code-mixing, as revealed in the novel, are observed; namely, code-mixing involving items which do not have translation equivalents, and code-mixing involving items that are probably deliberately introduced by the writer.The latter form of items can be faithfully translated into English.Such linguistic items as "Nèkwánù ánya", "ímarozi" (in Examples 1 and 2), and "Papa-Nnukwu" (which appears in Examples 3 and 4) are translatable, whereas other items like "ítu-nzu" and "mmúọ" (in Examples 3 and 4) may not have direct translation equivalents in Standard British English (SBE).Whereas "Nèkwánù ánya" and "ímarozi" can respectively translate in English as supposedly committing the taboo of abandoning his (Eugene) father's traditional religion.In a similar vein, emotional attachment is demonstrated with Mama's use of "Ó zùgó", which seems to be the only expression that consoles Jaja's grief.In all, the code mixed/switched expressions are linguistic instances that mark the nature of the Igbo variety of PNE that the novelist, the setting of the excerpts, and issues discussed in the excerpts, are associated with.

CONCLUSION
In conclusion, this study is carried out from a text-linguistic perspective, with particular focus on the nativisation of English in Chimamanda Adichie's Purple Hibiscus, which is one of the contemporary (third-generation) novels emanating from Nigeria.It set out to account for the linguistic stylistic choices that index Adichie's language use as an Igbo variety of PNE.After the analysis, it was revealed that five preponderant structural patterns-through which nativisation occurs-mark Adichie's language use in the text; namely, colloquial utterances, transliteration, Igbo-influenced structure of clause, code mixing, and code switching.And these have been demonstrated in the discussion to be exponents of the Igbo variety of the Jowitt's PNE.The study, while contributing to the pool of prose studies on Nativisation of English in Nigeria, concludes thus: (1) that while there is variety of English called 'Nigerian English,' it still has sub-varieties, such as: Hausa English, Yoruba English, Igbo English, etc.; (2) that the instances of nativisation of English in Adichie's Purple Hibiscus, especially at the stylistic levels of lexicon-semantics and syntax, are greatly influenced by the Igbo variety; (3) that the lexico-semantic and syntactic features of nativisation in the novel are motivated by socio-cultural world-view of the Igbo, on the one hand, and the political and economic realities in Nigeria at large.These findings are expected to be of relevance to both sociolinguists and students of literature alike, although further studies need to be done on the novel, especially at the levels of morphology and pragmatics as these may not be accommodated in one small study like the present one.
Amaka burst out."Because rich people do not prepare ọrah in their houses?Won't she participate in eating the ọrah soup?" (PH, p. 170).